• Parents’ expectations matter. In Singapore, where academic excellence is closely tied to family honor, adolescents who felt their parents believed in their mathematics abilities reported stronger math confidence, greater motivation, and better well‑being.
• Confidence in math is key. Students who saw themselves as good at math tended to be more engaged in school, persevered more, and felt happier and more optimistic than peers who lacked confidence in the subject.
• Teachers play a vital supporting role. Students who perceived high teacher expectations also reported a stronger sense of confidence and well-being. These perceptions complemented perceived parental expectations.
• Strong parent-teacher partnerships may help. Collaborations bridging home and school that communicate high yet supportive expectations.

This blog post was written by Ishani Bharadwaj and Tamara Spiewak Toub in collaboration with study author Gregory Arief D. Liem. It is based on research originally published in Liem, G. A. D., Wong, Z. Y., Chan, M., Liu, W. C., Zainudin, N. I., Tan, S. H., Poon, K. K., Kang, T., & Ng, S. C. (2025). Perceived parental expectations and their role in academic and psychosocial functioning. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 49(5), 431–445. 

Cultural expectations for high academic achievement

Children grow up in broad social and cultural environments that help shape their understanding of their role as students and their potential for success in different subjects or future careers. The explicit content and delivery of adults’ messaging about their expectations for youth vary based on a combination of cultural norms and individual values and personalities.

In Singapore, as in many East Asian societies, education is seen as the pathway to success and family honor. In this context, the importance of a student’s academic success goes beyond personal goals to include implications for family reputation. This pressure increases the risks of intense competition among students and associated anxiety and stress.

High expectations at home and in school

The Asian values of interdependence, hard work, and family allegiance inspire parents to explicitly communicate high expectations for academic success. They do so by managing their children’s study schedules, providing opportunities for academic enrichment, and closely monitoring academic progress.

At home, Singaporean students absorb this parental messaging about high expectations. At school, they also receive feedback from their teachers on their performance and behavior in the classroom. This feedback suggests another set of expectations about students’ achievement.

Believing that others believe in you

Students’ perceptions of these expectations are linked to many aspects of their development. They may influence motivation, class-related skills and knowledge, and achievement, as well as broader elements of well-being, such as confidence, engagement, and satisfaction. When adolescents believe their parents and teachers believe in them, are they more likely to do better in school and in other aspects of life?

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The case of mathematics: Perceived expectations in a highly valued subject

Among the subjects in Singapore’s curriculum, math stands out as a focus of attention and high expectations from both parents and teachers. The subject is widely recognized as challenging and as being essential for educational and career success.

But math differs from other subjects, such as language-based curricula like reading, because most parents do not usually engage directly with math content at home. Instead, they communicate expectations through broader messages about their children’s diligence, perseverance, and responsibility. These messages reinforce the importance of the subject – a value that children and youth internalize.

The subject is widely recognized as challenging and as being essential for educational and career success.

At school, students perceive teachers’ expectations through the design of math lessons, structured feedback, and support when they encounter difficulties. Together, these parental and teacher perspectives provide complementary sources of encouragement and reinforcement.

Our study into the impact of expectations on math confidence in teens

We conducted a pair of studies in Singapore to investigate how students’ perceptions of parents’ and teachers’ math expectations were linked to academic and non-academic (i.e., those related to well-being) outcomes. For each study, we surveyed students (average age of 14 years) across three secondary grades at a variety of schools; almost half of the students in the studies identified as female.

Surveying students’ perceptions of math expectations

School personnel administered our surveys twice during the school year: after Term 1 and again near the end of the year. This allowed us to see how perceived expectations and student outcomes changed over time.

Both studies included items to capture students’ perceptions of their parents’ and their teachers’ math expectations. For example, we asked students how strongly they agreed that their parents or teacher “believe(s) I can do well in math.”

Students’ academic outcomes in math

In study 1 (2,632 students), the surveys focused on three main academic outcomes: math confidence (e.g., agreement with the statement “I am good at math”), math motivation (e.g., to avoid getting into trouble, to learn new skills, or because it is fun), and math achievement goals (e.g., to perform better than peers, to learn as much as possible).

Students’ well-being when studying math

In study 2 (450 students), we added surveys about five dimensions of well being as outcomes:
1. Engagement (e.g., “I get completely absorbed in what I am doing”)
2. Perseverance (e.g., “Once I make a plan to get something done, I stick to it”)
3. Optimism (e.g., “I think that good things are going to happen to me”)
4. Connectedness (e.g., “There are people in my life who really care about me”)
5. Happiness (e.g., “I love life”)

How to build confidence in math: Parents and Teachers Matter

Our statistical methods considered differences between boys and girls, younger and older adolescents, and the three math proficiency levels. Based on consistent patterns in the results, we identified four main findings about the links between perceived expectations and student outcomes:

1. Parents’ expectations had the strongest influence on math confidence

Adolescents who felt their parents believed in their math abilities reported higher levels of math confidence, stronger motivation, and greater well being. We did not delve into these links to determine whether or how perceived parental expectations caused these better outcomes.

However, research into related dynamics suggests that students might find inspiration in parents’ explicit expressions of confidence and efforts to provide resources to support their math performance. Particularly in this cultural context, students might internalize parents’ expectations as personal goals, striving to meet them as a way of honoring their family’s investments and sacrifices.

Adolescents who felt their parents believed in their math abilities reported higher levels of math confidence, stronger motivation, and greater well being.

2. Math teachers’ expectations also played a distinct and complementary role

Students’ belief that their teachers had high expectations for their math achievement was also linked to their academic and well-being outcomes. For example, when students had positive perceptions of teachers’ expectations, they were more motivated by personal interests and values than by external reasons. They also reported feeling more connected to others and happier.

Photo by Yan Krukau on Pexels

The roles of students’ perceptions of teachers’ and parents’ expectations amplified each other. When adolescents believed both parents and teachers held high expectations, they reported stronger math confidence, greater connectedness, and more happiness.

3. Mathematics confidence was central to students’ motivation and well-being

Students’ impressions of their parents’ and teachers’ expectations predicted math confidence. In turn, math confidence was closely tied to students’ motivation and most outcomes related to well-being, including engagement, perseverance, optimism, and happiness (but not connectedness). In fact, math confidence played a significant role in the links between perceived expectations and student outcomes.

Our findings highlight the importance of adolescents’ academic views of themselves. Seeing themselves as competent in math contributed not only to stronger motivation but also to a broader sense of well-being, underscoring the link between academic identity and overall psychological health.

Insight into the formation of math confidence and its role in students’ development can help inform strategies to support adolescents as they navigate this challenging academic subject. One way to build students’ math confidence could be to facilitate the supportive communication of appropriately high expectations at home and at school.

4. First impressions of teachers’ math expectations can be especially powerful

While links between student outcomes and perceived parents’ expectations remained steady throughout the year, links to perceived teacher expectations were most powerful early in the year. Students who reported at the start of the year that their teachers already believed they would do well in math showed stronger self-motivation and well‑being later in the year.

Those early perceptions of teachers’ beliefs may be especially important in shaping students’ math confidence and, in turn, their academic outcomes and broader well-being.

Implications for parents and teachers building math confidence in teens

The results of our study have implications for parents and other caregivers, as well as teachers:

Set high but realistic math expectations expressed with warmth and support

In the context of math, students’ belief that their parents and teachers believed in them seemed to set the stage for success. Adolescents’ perceptions of parental expectations were the strongest predictor of math confidence, motivation, and psychosocial well‑being. These perceptions are shaped, in part, by adults’ communication about their expectations, which can include encouraging feedback, warmth, and support (rather than conditional approval) during challenges.

Photo by Yan Krukau on Pexels

Focus on growth, not comparison

High expectations are most supportive when they emphasize effort, growth, and learning rather than comparisons to peers. An emphasis on growth helps children develop confidence and self-motivation rather than working under pressure to perform well. When children know they can improve, regardless of their current abilities, they are more likely to persevere and achieve.

Encourage autonomy

When students feel ownership of their learning, they are more likely to embrace self-determined motivation and learning goals than to work to please others or avoid losing unnecessary races with peers. This type of self-determined motivation and goal setting is consistent with higher levels of engagement, perseverance, optimism, connectedness, and happiness. If students perceive parents’ and teachers’ expectations that facilitate autonomy, they are more likely to step up to that challenge and be better prepared for success.

Communicate regularly

Parents and teachers should communicate regularly to align on high yet realistic expectations. Joint support helps strengthen students’ confidence, happiness, and motivation.

Balance cultural pressures

Parents and teachers should be mindful of how societal values can increase pressure on children. In contexts like Singapore, where academic success (especially in math) is closely tied to future success, adults can help by communicating about the values of balance, resilience, and well-being.

The post Building math confidence in teens: Why parents’ and teachers’ high expectations matter appeared first on Child and Family Blog.

Key takeaways for caregivers

• Children learn, and their brains grow, partially through watching and interacting with their parents.
• Prior research in various communities has revealed that children whose mothers are clinically depressed tend to develop differently than children whose mothers are not depressed. They are also at higher risk for having social, emotional, or other struggles.
• In our recent study in rural Pakistan, children whose mothers were depressed when the children were one  year old showed greater emotional and behavioral difficulties at age three than those whose mothers were not depressed.
• We explored whether parenting behaviors serve as a bridge connecting maternal depression and children’s development. We asked: Do depressed mothers show less warmth or harsher parenting than mothers who are not depressed? Could this explain why children of depressed mothers develop differently?
• In our study, mothers with depression were observed using more harsh parenting behaviors, such as looking angry or saying mean or critical things, than mothers without depression. But the mothers’ warmth toward their children did not differ.
• Parenting behaviors, including harsh parenting, did not explain the link between maternal depression and children’s development. Other factors, such as stress, division of caregiving responsibilities, living conditions, and children’s biology or behaviors, may play important roles.
• While more research is needed, supporting maternal well-being and encouraging caregiving without harshness can benefit children’s early development.

Photo by Kamaji Ogino on Pexels

Mothers’ emotional well-being and children’s development

Many caregivers and professionals wonder how a mother’s emotional well-being affects her child’s development, especially when mothers struggle with clinical depression. Distinct from the sadness that most people feel occasionally, clinical depression involves a persistent loss of interest or engagement, changes in sleep and appetite, and a level of emotional distress that interferes with daily life – often lasting for weeks or longer.

In low- and middle-income countries, roughly one in four mothers experiences postnatal depression in the year after childbirth. Mothers frequently suffer from depression in higher income countries, too.

Why maternal depression is a public health priority

Extensive research has linked maternal depression to challenges in children’s physical, cognitive, and emotional development, making it a major public health priority for families and communities worldwide. Investigating how or why mothers’ depression connects to children’s emotions, behaviors, and skills improves our understanding and can ultimately help communities provide families with more effective support.

Exploring links among mothers’ depression, their parenting behaviors, and children’s development

In a recent study, we focused on the potential role of parenting behaviors in the link between mothers’ depression and children’s development. We asked: Do mothers with a history of depression show different patterns in their parenting than mothers who have not been depressed?

Symptoms of depression can get in the way of positive parenting behaviors.For example, some mothers with depression may be more likely to withdraw from their children, show less warmth in their interactions, or express more anger and negativity. Do such differences in parenting explain the link between maternal depression and children’s development?

We focus here on children’s socioemotional development, such as symptoms of anxiety or depression or struggles with behavior or peer relationships.

Who participated in the study?

More than 840 families in rural villages in Pakistan participated in our longitudinal study. Researchers followed families from the time children were one year old through the time they were three years old. About half the children were boys and about half were girls. At the start of the study, mothers were between 18 and 45 years old (about 26 years old on average) and were married.

Most of the families lived in extended-family households, with parents and children living together with other relatives (e.g., the parents’ siblings, the grandparents), which is very common in rural Pakistani villages. In terms of formal education, mothers and fathers each had from none to 18 years, with the average being about seven to nine years. 

Photo by Albin Biju on Pexels

How did we measure maternal depression, parenting behaviors, and children’s outcomes?

Over three yearly time points, we used a combination of established, structural interviews; parent surveys; and observations of mothers interacting with their children to help us identify patterns across the families. 

Maternal depression (when children were one year old)

Researchers used a common and internationally respected interview approach to determine which mothers were experiencing clinical levels of depression. Mothers were categorized as “depressed” or “not depressed” based on their reports of specific symptoms (e.g., sadness; lack of interest in daily life; disturbances in sleeping, eating, or concentration) and the severity of those symptoms, including whether the symptoms interfered with their daily lives.

The use of a simple cut-off is valuable for dividing mothers into these two groups for clinical and research purposes. However, mothers’ experiences varied along a spectrum, and even the mothers characterized as “not depressed” could have experienced some degree of sadness and other disturbances.

Mothers’ parenting behaviors (when children were two years old)

Mothers were invited to play and talk with their young children while looking at a picture book provided by researchers. Trained observers watched mothers and noted how much they showed three specific parenting behaviors:

• Warmth: showing affection through positive physical touch, such as snuggles, and positive, encouraging talk (“Yay! You found it, Sweetie!”)
• Stimulation: challenging the child to think and engage, such as by asking questions and pointing to items in the book (“What will they do with this ball?”)
• Harshness: looking or sounding negative, such as yelling, verbally expressing anger or being critical (“Stop fooling around! We’re supposed to be looking at this book!”).

Children’s socioemotional outcomes (when children were three years old)

Mothers completed established questionnaires, rating their children’s levels of various challenges (anxiety, depression, hyperactivity, trouble behaving appropriately, and problems with peers).

What did we find?

Our main question was: Do observed parenting behaviors explain – or mediate – the links between earlier maternal depression and later children’s outcomes? In other words, do differences in parenting help account for why children of depressed mothers might show more challenges? To dig into this query, we broke it down into steps. 

Children of depressed mothers experienced more socioemotional challenges

First, we confirmed that the general patterns found in prior studies on maternal depression and children’s development were evident in our study, too. We established that just over 18% of the Pakistani mothers in our study had depression when their children were one year old. 

Also, compared to children whose mothers were not depressed, the children of depressed mothers showed more emotional and behavioral challenges at age three – such as signs of sadness or irritability, behavior problems, or trouble getting along with peers. While the mothers’ mood-related biases might have affected their reports of children’s challenges and these findings, the general pattern is consistent with research that has used measures without such possible bias. 

Just over 18% of these Pakistani mothers had depression when their children were 1 year old.

The next question was whether mothers with depression showed differences in parenting behaviors compared to mothers without depression. Could that help explain why these two groups of children showed differences in socioemotional development?

Only some parenting behaviors differed between depressed and not depressed mothers

During the play session with the picture book when children were two years old, mothers who were depressed a year earlier were more likely to show harsh parenting behaviors than mothers who had not been depressed.

However, other parenting behaviors, like warmth and stimulation, were similar across the two groups of mothers. In fact, both depressed and non-depressed mothers showed very high levels of warmth when interacting with their children.

None of the parenting behaviors were related to children’s socioemotional development

While we saw some differences in mothers’ levels of harsh parenting, none of the parenting behaviors were related to children’s later socioemotional development.

Remaining mysteries behind the link between maternal depression and children’s socioemotional challenges

Our findings confirmed the typical pattern of children having more socioemotional struggles when their mothers were depressed. In a new layer of investigation, we found that parenting behaviors did not explain the link between maternal depression and children’s socioemotional development. 

Possible limitations of the study

This result might be specific to the cultural context of our study. In rural Pakistan, caregiving is often shared by grandparents or extended family, which may lessen some effects of mothers’ depression or parenting behaviors. 

Also, the brief play period with mothers and their two-year-olds might not have provided enough of a peek into families’ typical interactions to capture stronger patterns in parenting behaviors. Differences in depressed mothers’ parenting may be more apparent when they are engaged in daily activities with their children, such as getting them dressed, feeding them, or getting them ready for bed. Thus, in different settings, parenting behaviors may play a substantial role in the link between maternal depression and children’s social and emotional health. 

What other elements of children’s own experiences, families, or communities might play a role?

We used statistical techniques to ensure that the connections we found among maternal depression, parenting behaviors, and children’s development were not due to other known differences among families, such as parents’ level of education, family wealth, or mothers’ experiences with violence in a recent relationship or traumatic situations in their childhood. 

We did not measure other possibilities that may play bigger roles – like family stress, disrupted routines, or children’s biology. Relationships between parents and children are complicated, with many factors affecting both the adults and the children. In addition, children’s personalities and behaviors affect their mothers’ parenting, too – the influence goes both ways. 

While we do not know exactly how maternal depression is linked to children’s outcomes, we do know that mothers with depression, and their children, benefit from extra support. 

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What can caregivers and communities do while researchers keep exploring?

1. Support maternal mental health. Depression is more than sadness – it affects energy, connection, and daily life. It is a common problem that needs attention worldwide. Programs that support mothers may also benefit their children and families. 
2. Reduce harshness in caregiving. The link between harsh parenting and children’s development was not strong in our study, but other research has documented problems with these parenting behaviors. Evidence from these studies shows benefits of parenting strategies that emphasize warmth and tailored support within healthy boundaries. 
3. Recognize the many contributors that shape children’s development. This research reminds us to look beyond parenting to factors like caregiving environments, family structure, access to services, and stressors affecting the whole household. 

 

It is often helpful when other family members, friends, and neighbors lend a hand to parents, give them some time for self-care, and bond with young children.

The saying “it takes a village” captures the idea that communities can support children’s development by sharing responsibilities. It is often helpful when other family members, friends, and neighbors lend a hand to parents, give them some time for self-care, and bond with young children. 

In these ways, the impact of any one person or experience may be reduced. When children rely on a broader network of supports, these types of assistance can balance each other out as needed. 

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