• In the United States, many children witness intimate partner violence, which puts them at risk for maltreatment and emotional and behavioral difficulties.
• While women and men in the United States are almost equally likely to experience intimate partner violence (around 50% versus 45%, respectively), the impact of men’s violence on women is far more severe, with higher rates of serious physical injury and harm as well as negative consequences for women’s emotional, psychological, economic, and long-term health.
• Current systems of care, including courts, child protective services (CPS), and behavioral health programs, are not doing enough to engage fathers and reduce ongoing violence that children experience.
• Fathers for Change (F4C) is an intervention that assists fathers by working on their emotion regulation and reflective functioning (the ability to understand their own mental states and reflect more accurately on how others may be feeling) to improve their relationship with their child and reorient their relationship with their coparent.
• Among fathers referred for intimate partner violence interventions, those who completed F4C had a significantly lower chance of being subsequently reported to CPS for maltreatment than did fathers who did not complete F4C.
• F4C is a promising alternative treatment to traditional batterer intervention programs, which are the standard and most widely implemented intervention for men who engage in intimate partner violence.

This blog post is based on research originally published in Beebe, R., Fish, M. C., Grasso, D., Bernstein, B., DiVietro, S., & Stover, C. S. (2023). Reducing Family Violence Through Child Welfare Intervention: A Propensity Score-Matched Study of Fathers for Change. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 38(21-22), 11666-11691.

Intimate partner violence through a child’s eyes

Following is a fictional account of intimate partner violence as seen by a child. Based on clinical material from cases related to F4C, it illustrates how current practices can affect children in homes with this type of violence.

Nobody explains it to me. One day my Dad was here, and then he was gone. No goodbye and no answers to my questions. It was all a blur, I heard yelling, and when I came out, I saw my mother crying. I was staying in my room like they told me to, but then I saw police outside and I wanted to see what was happening. I saw them putting my Dad into the back of a police car. I don’t want him to hurt my mom, but now I just feel confused. I miss him, even if things weren’t perfect. I just want to know that he is safe. I don’t even know if I am safe. My mom says not to worry and I don’t think she wants me to ask her about it. All I know is that something bad happened, and now my Dad isn’t here. I don’t know where he is and I am not allowed to see him. I don’t know if he is ever coming back.

Photo by cottonbro studio on Pexels

Intimate partner violence is prevalent

Intimate partner violence is a pattern of behavior that can include physical, psychological, and sexual abuse between romantic partners. It can lead to confusion and worry among children not only when incidents happen, but during the ongoing responses to those incidents by parents and systems like CPS and the courts.

This type of violence is more common than most people realize: According to the most recent report of the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1 in 2 women and 2 in 5 men experience some form of sexual violence, physical violence, or stalking. Compared to male victims, female victims are much more likely to be injured or develop symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder.

The impact of intimate partner violence on children

Almost one in five children in the United States has witnessed intimate partner violence, which can result in significant trauma-related symptoms. Symptoms can include anxiety, depression, aggression, sleep problems, intrusive memories of the trauma, and increased startle responses or irritability.

When intimate partner violence is present, especially in homes with children, the immediate response from the criminal justice system and CPS is often to separate the perpetrator from the family to keep everyone safe. While this solution may be necessary (at least temporarily), it can leave children feeling afraid and confused.

Many children in the United States who witness intimate partner violence end up involved in the child welfare system, sometimes because of the violence alone, but also due to overlapping problems like neglect, physical abuse, or parental substance misuse.

Even when families are brought into the system, the cycle of abuse often continues.

CPS reports are official documents created during an investigation following a concern about a child’s safety or well-being. After any report of intimate partner violence in a home with children, police usually initiate a CPS investigation. In fact, exposure to intimate partner violence is a contributing factor in as many as 70% of CPS cases.

Even more alarming: Even when families are brought into the system, the cycle of abuse often continues. Repeat abuse happens in 30% to 60% of cases. The current systems and supports for this type of violence are not reducing the cycle of abuse sufficiently.

Why current interventions fall short

Rather than addressing behavior change in the abusive parent (most commonly fathers), services and supports in the United States are often directed primarily toward survivors (most often mothers). This puts the burden of healing and change on the mothers, while the fathers are either marginalized in terms of their importance to their children or are required by courts to attend one-size-fits-all programs that may not address the root problems causing their violent behaviors.

Lack of focus on fathers’ abilities to be better role models for their children can be a missed opportunity to facilitate repair in families.

When courts order fathers to complete an intervention for intimate partner violence, the men are usually sent to an intervention program for offenders or batterers. These programs are typically delivered in a gendered group format and are focused on different ways men use violence, coercion, and control in their relationships, while teaching anger management skills.

For many fathers, these programs fall short, with low completion rates (30% to 60%) and negligible benefits related to repeat violence across diverse populations in the United States and Canada. The group and educational format of batterer intervention programs lacks the flexibility to address the needs of individual fathers and does not directly assist them in re-establishing a relationship with their children. Lack of focus on fathers’ abilities to be better role models for their children can be a missed opportunity to facilitate repair in families.

Rewriting the script: How Fathers for Change (F4C) empowers fathers to take accountability for their behavior and actively change

F4C is an individualized therapy approach developed and currently implemented in the United States that switches the narrative. Rather than labeling men as batterers or offenders, the focus is on a motivator for change, their role as fathers. While traditional offender programs confront patterns of coercion and teach anger control, F4C focuses on fathers’ ability to understand themselves and regulate their emotions, while restoring relationships with co-parents and children.

Photo by Ketut Subiyanto on Pexels

F4C challenges fathers to think about how they want to be viewed as a father and how a healthy relationship with their co-parent is crucial to their children’s health and well-being. This approach fosters men’s intrinsic motivation to change their behavior to be the father they imagine and that their children deserve.

The program’s approach to engaging fathers has proven successful, with completion rates ranging from 67% to 80%, outperforming traditional offender programs. F4C does not excuse fathers’ acts of violence, but meets them where they are and encourages them to gain an understanding of their past experiences (e.g., trauma) that contribute to their dysregulation and engagement in intimate partner violence.

Measuring F4C’s effect on repeat CPS reports

To determine whether F4C leads to behavioral change, we examined how effective the program was in eliminating CPS reports of abuse and neglect in the year after the program ended.

We identified 297 fathers in a northeastern U.S. state who had been referred to F4C by CPS due to an incident of intimate partner violence and who had completed the program between 2015 and early 2020. Then we matched those 297 fathers to 297 fathers who had not received the F4C treatment because of long waiting lists in their area. (Fathers in this comparison group were referred to other services targeting intimate partner violence, although information about whether they participated in an intervention program was unavailable).

All fathers in the study were between 18 and 60 years old and in heterosexual relationships with a biological child under age 14. To hone in on the impact of the F4C program, the comparison fathers were matched to the F4C fathers on factors like ethnicity/race, age, number of children, severity of past intimate partner violence, number of previous CPS reports, history of past substance use, CPS risk assessment, and geographic location.

The results were striking:

• Only 14% of fathers (40 of 297) who completed F4C had a new CPS report for any form of maltreatment or intimate partner violence in the year after they began the program.
• In contrast, 27% of fathers (80 of 297) in the comparison group had a new CPS report in the year after CPS referred them for services to address intimate partner violence, a rate similar to typical reports after completion of other batterer intervention programs.
• Put another way, the rates of repeat CPS reports were cut in half for fathers that completed F4C.

Overall, this demonstrates that F4C affects intimate partner violence significantly, reducing fathers’ engagement in violent behavior at home. And it shows that families can become safer by supporting fathers’ development and healing.

Healthy fathers raise healthy children

Our results are clear: When programs invest in fathers by tapping into their desire to be present, loving parents, they can achieve real, measurable reductions in harm to children. F4C does not promise perfection; it simply asks fathers to show up, reckon with their past, and learn healthier ways to protect and care for their children.

Photo by RDNE Stock project on Pexels

Fathers or families seeking treatment like F4C should look for programs or individual providers that do not focus solely on gendered/power dynamics, but ask fathers to examine the causes and motivations of their violent behaviors, understand their nervous system and how to regulate it, and push them to increase their reflective capacity both for themselves and in relation to their children and co-parents.

• To build on these encouraging findings, researchers are continuing to examine this field and projects are working to increase access to F4C programs. Current projects within the U.S. seek to:
• Track the benefits of F4C based on reports from the victims of intimate partner violence regarding reductions in the fathers’ violence and substance use and improvements in parent-child relationships.
• Track the benefits of F4C in different populations that were not part of our study but have participated in the program (e.g., same-sex couples) and explore how the program might be adapted for other populations.
• Identify specific components that help make the program successful in reducing intimate partner violence and how they work together in the process.
• Offer F4C in more northeastern U.S. settings, including Veterans Affairs health care facilities in New England, and work with community agencies to expand to states beyond the northeast, including Florida, Missouri, and Virginia.

At its heart, F4C is about seeing what is possible when researchers and practitioners shift from a lens of shaming and punishing fathers through criminal sanctions, loss of contact with their children, and court-mandated batterer intervention programs to offering them a supportive opportunity to change while still demanding an end to their violence. Within that shift lies the hope for safer homes, healthier fathers, and brighter futures for children.

The post Engaging fathers in individual treatment for intimate partner violence can improve outcomes for families appeared first on Child and Family Blog.

Key takeaways for caregivers

• Syrian refugee fathers’ experiences of war trauma were linked to daily struggles after displacement, including discrimination and material hardship.
• These difficulties were strongly linked with fathers’ mental health, particularly depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder.
• Depression in refugee fathers was associated with more instances of punishing their children.
• Post-displacement discrimination was also linked with higher levels of paternal punishment.
• Promising options for interventions aimed at strengthening refugee families and promoting children’s well-being include addressing fathers’ everyday challenges (e.g., discrimination) and supporting their mental health.

Families worldwide are being forcibly displaced from their homes

The world is facing the largest wave of forced migration since the Second World War. According to a 2020 report by the United Nations’ Refugee Agency, by the end of 2019, 1% of the global population was forcibly displaced, with Türkiye hosting the world’s largest refugee community. Among the approximately 3.6 million displaced Syrians living in Türkiye, nearly half were children.

Photo by Ahmed akacha on Pexels

Years later, the most recent UN report noted continued increases in forced migration, with almost 1.5% of the global population displaced by the end of 2024. Türkiye remains host to one of the largest refugee communities in the world, including high numbers of children.

War and displacement mean higher risks for children’s struggles

Children are among the most vulnerable groups affected by conflict and displacement. Research shows that children exposed to war have higher rates of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety than comparison groups of children from similar communities who were not necessarily exposed to war. They also face more social difficulties, such as strained peer relationships, withdrawal from social interactions, and school struggles.

Parents play a central role in shaping how children cope with challenges, including conflict and displacement. Studies have consistently shown that parental trauma and mental health are closely tied to children’s well-being. When parents are overwhelmed by depression, anxiety, or PTSD, children are more likely to have emotional and behavioral problems.

Parents’ behaviors can also serve as either risk or protective factors. For example, harsh or punitive parenting (e.g., yelling, hitting) can make children’s difficulties worse, while warmth and affection from parents (e.g., praise, hugs) can help protect children from stress. Therefore, children may be at risk for struggles due to both their own displacement experiences and how their parents navigate the family’s challenging situation.

Exploring displaced fathers’ trauma, stressors, mental health, and parenting

In our research, we explored the links between parents’ war-related trauma and post-displacement stresses, mental health, and parenting behaviors. Although many studies on refugee families have focused on mothers, fathers are also vital for children’s emotional, cognitive, and social development, and they face their own unique barriers in caregiving.

Photo by Josh Willink on Pexels

Our study on refugee fathers

We studied Syrian refugee fathers living in Istanbul, Türkiye. We focused on fathers raising at least one child aged two to five years because this period is critical for children’s development, and parenting behaviors at this stage are especially important for children’s emotional and social development.

The 286 fathers in our survey were married and in their 20s to 60s (average age was about 34 years) who had fled Syria after 2011 and resettled in Türkiye. They had spent an average of about five years there, most of them were employed, and most had completed at least primary school.

Fathers answered questionnaires in Arabic about their:

• Exposure to war trauma (e.g., combat, forced isolation, lack of food or water),
• Difficulties encountered after displacement, including experiences of discrimination based on their ethnicity and other stressors (e.g., poverty, uncertainty about the future),
• Mental health symptoms of depression, anxiety, and PTSD (e.g., feelings of worthlessness or nervousness or reliving past trauma), and
• Parenting behaviors, including warmth (e.g., hugging, kissing, showing affection) and punishment (e.g., yelling, slapping, hitting).

The fathers’ recollections and self-reports may have been biased, but their answers provide unique insights. Collecting this information and using statistical procedures enabled us to examine both direct and indirect links among fathers’ pre-displacement war trauma, post-displacement stressors, mental health, and parenting behaviors.

Patterns in refugee fathers’ responses

The results of our study reveal a complex but telling picture of how refugee fathers’ past and present experiences relate to their parenting. Although we did not seek to confirm causal relationships, our findings suggest that navigating challenges before and after displacement may lead fathers to struggle with their own mental health and use harsher parenting techniques.

An individual’s mental health can be affected not only by the initial trauma of war but also by the challenges of resettlement. Fathers who lived through more war trauma reported greater exposure to discrimination in Türkiye and higher levels of other post-displacement difficulties than fathers who experienced less war trauma. These ongoing stressors were linked with poor mental health outcomes, including a greater likelihood of experiencing depression, anxiety, and PTSD symptoms.

Our findings suggest that navigating challenges before and after displacement may lead fathers to struggle with their own mental health and use harsher parenting techniques.

Discrimination emerged as one of the stressors most strongly linked to challenges with mental health and parenting. Fathers who reported higher levels of discrimination were not only more likely to feel depressed, anxious, or traumatized, but were also more likely to use punishment and less likely to show warmth toward their children. While inconclusive, these links suggest that experiences of social exclusion and unfair treatment in the world may shape the way fathers interact with their children at home.

Nuances of refugee fathers’ depression, difficulties of daily life, and parenting

Among the mental health indicators we examined, depression stood out as particularly predictive. Fathers who reported more symptoms of depression were more likely to punish their children harshly than were fathers who reported fewer of those symptoms. In contrast, anxiety and PTSD were not directly related to fathers’ warmth or punishment, though they were strongly tied to fathers’ overall psychological distress.

Our findings also revealed a more nuanced aspect of parenting under stress. Post-displacement difficulties, though linked to harsher discipline, were also associated with greater warmth toward children. This surprising pattern may reflect fathers’ empathy with their children’s struggles or their desire to shield them from the harshness of the outside world.

The legacy of war trauma in fathers

Finally, our study showed that war trauma related to parenting indirectly rather than directly. Fathers with higher levels of war trauma were more likely to experience discrimination, which in turn led to greater use of punishment. Trauma also increased the likelihood of other post-displacement stressors, which were linked with both distress and variations in warmth.

Photo by Pixabay on Pexels

In other words, the legacy of war may continue to shape family life through the ongoing challenges fathers face in their new environment. Other studies have reported similar links for mothers among trauma, post-displacement stressors, mental health, and parenting behaviors.

The significance of our findings for refugee families

Our findings carry important implications for caregivers and communities striving to support families. Parents make individual choices about parenting within the broader context of their circumstances.

Parenting behaviors stem from both intention and mental state

To understand families experiencing displacement, it is vital to recognize that harsh parenting often reflects overwhelming stress and poor mental health, not a lack of love or commitment. Our study suggests that fathers who have endured trauma and displacement are likely to live with daily stressors and struggle to maintain patience and consistency with their children, regardless of their intentions.

Post-displacement challenges might affect parenting in complex ways

Experiences of discrimination signaled fathers who were at greater risk of acting harshly with their children. Feelings of being excluded or targeted in the host community might undermine fathers’ ability to nurture their children. This conclusion highlights the importance of addressing not only past trauma but also the social and economic challenges families face after resettlement.

The finding that many fathers maintain or even increase warmth toward their children despite severe hardships shows the resilience in refugee families.

At the same time, the finding that many fathers maintain or even increase warmth toward their children despite severe hardships shows the resilience in refugee families. In general, acts of affection and care play a protective role for children. For caregivers in families facing difficult circumstances, small, consistent gestures of warmth (e.g., hugging, listening, showing love) may help children feel safe and valued.

Conclusion: Supporting refugee fathers

Although we did not address specific cause-and-effect relations, our study demonstrates that both pre-displacement trauma and post-displacement difficulties are related to refugee fathers’ mental health and parenting. For our sample of Syrian fathers living in Istanbul, a history of war trauma predicted higher levels of stressors after resettlement, including discrimination. These stressors in turn were linked with fathers’ mental health and parenting behaviors.

Fathers’ depression was associated with greater use of punishment (i.e., harsher discipline), while discrimination predicted both harsher discipline and reduced warmth. Yet fathers experiencing high levels of other post-displacement stressors tended to report greater warmth toward their children, highlighting the complexity of parenting amid adversity.

Programs to reduce refugee fathers’ post-displacement stressors (including but not limited to discrimination) and support their mental health may have promise for multiple generations in similar refugee communities. By focusing on both initial war trauma and the daily realities of resettlement, intervention programs can better support fathers in their vital role as caregivers and increase the chances that refugee children grow up with the warmth and stability they need.

The post Parenting under pressure: Refugee fathers face a series of struggles appeared first on Child and Family Blog.

1. Parental self-efficacy (i.e., a parent’s confidence in their own ability to care for their infant and respond to the infant’s needs) is the first step to a good parent-child relationship.
2. Research has explored the development of maternal self-efficacy beginning during pregnancy and continuing after childbirth.
3. Mothers who have previous childbirth and parenting experience or who live in a supportive environment have higher levels of self-efficacy in parenting after childbirth than do mothers without experience or support. A supportive environment might include access to professionals for relevant advice or family and friends for emotional support.
4. Attending classes on preparing for birth or childrearing can support the development of parental self-efficacy during pregnancy.

This article will explore the four following topics in becoming a confident parent:

1. Finding self-efficacy in the transition to (re)parenthood
2. What is self-efficacy and why is it important?
3. Social support and sociodemographic factors relate to parental self-efficacy
4. Mothers’ reports of their social support and maternal self-efficacy

1) Finding self-efficacy in the transition to (re)parenthood

In a study we conducted of new mothers, one mother described her early experiences with her baby in these words: “… somehow, he was only crying, and that’s normal, but he was really extreme; well he’s not a baby for beginners, that’s what my midwife said, and uhm, yeah, I don’t know, he was actually only crying and we were really at our limits…”

The challenges of becoming a parent can often be unique to the individual. Photo by Ron Lach on Pexels.

Becoming a parent is often a joyful process, but it also comes with challenges. Apart from the physical changes of childbirth and recovery, the transition to parenthood is characterized by behavioral and psychological challenges, such as acquiring new caretaking skills and adapting to a new role.

Once the infant is born, parents typically experience a lack of sleep and an increased workload; they need to change their daily routines or even their overall lifestyle.

Describing this stage, another mother said, “… the beginning, the first four weeks, they were really hard, because he always woke up at night, cried, didn’t want to sleep for two hours, made me totally exhausted, and I’m such a person, I absolutely need sleep and food, … then one just can’t go anymore, … talk anymore…”

Not all parents experience the transition to parenthood in the same way

But not all parents experience the transition to parenthood in this way. Among the factors that influence a mother’s adaptation to parenthood are prenatal expectations, social support, the quality of her partnership with the baby’s father, previous parenting experiences, characteristics of the infant, mental health, and stress.

During this process, parental role and parental self-efficacy are shaped, and both play a key role in later parenting behaviors and the parent-infant-relationship. In this article, we focus on parental self-efficacy in mothers.

… the beginning, the first four weeks, they were really hard, because he always woke up at night, cried, didn’t want to sleep for two hours, made me totally exhausted, and I’m such a person, I absolutely need sleep and food, … then one just can’t go anymore, … talk anymore…

2) What is parental self-efficacy and why is it important?

Parental self-efficacy refers to a parent’s confidence in their ability to care for their child and meet the child’s needs. Worldwide, higher levels of parental self-efficacy are associated with better home learning environments, stronger parent-child relationships, and healthier child development (e.g., better social skills, fewer internalizing and externalizing behaviors).

Even though the role of fathers in this context is beginning to be recognized in many Anglo-American and European countries, mothers remain the primary focus when considering the months before and after childbirth because they are the primary caregivers most of the time.

Supporting women early in this stage to increase their beliefs of maternal self-efficacy may have long-term positive effects for both mothers and children. Such support appears to be particularly important for children from disadvantaged populations (e.g., children of parents with low levels of education, low incomes, or migrant backgrounds) who may lack the resources and knowledge to create enriching environments.

3) Social support and sociodemographic factors relate to parental self-efficacy

Multiple studies show that a lack of social support during the prenatal period increases the risk of not adapting well to parenthood. However, several sociodemographic factors make pregnant women less likely to receive such support, and therefore also make those women more likely to struggle with low levels of parental self-efficacy.

For example, pregnant mothers who do not live in their country of origin often have smaller social networks and are more likely than native residents to experience social isolation during pregnancy. That social isolation, in turn, can contribute to mothers’ lack of confidence in their new role.

For first-time mothers, especially, this new role is a substantial change. Many feel less competent as parents than do mothers who have children and therefore have had experience with childbirth and parenting. As a result, many first-time mothers find it more difficult to adapt to the maternal role, according to a study in Portugal. 

Finding confidence as a mother can be as challenging as it can be rewarding. Photo by William Fortunato on Pexels.

4) Mothers’ reports of their social support and maternal self-efficacy

Together with our collaborators, we conducted a study to explore sociodemographic factors and relations between mothers’ social support and maternal self-efficacy during the transition from pregnancy to (re-)motherhood.

Even though parental efficacy/confidence develops during pregnancy through the child-related preparations, expectations, and experiences, most studies focus on the postnatal period, neglecting the period when self-efficacy in parenting develops. In addition, studies have tended to be conducted with participants of high socioeconomic backgrounds in Western societies.

In this study, we interviewed 292 mothers (between 18 and 47 years old) living in disadvantaged neighborhoods in a medium-sized city in Germany.

The status of “disadvantaged” was based on at least one parent meeting one or more of these requirements: low levels of education (no formal schooling beyond secondary school or no vocational school), low family income (unemployed or low-wage earner), or being an immigrant or child of an immigrant.

We spoke to them both before and after delivery, asking about their demographic information (e.g., education level, migration background, previous childbirth experience), how well they felt supported by their social environment, and whether they participated in professional social support programs (e.g., birth preparation or parenting classes).

We measured their sense of parental self-efficacy using an established questionnaire, with questions targeting mothers’ beliefs about their own parenting knowledge and associated feelings.

Our findings

Although the regions where the mothers in our study lived offered free support programs for all pregnant women and women with young children, only about half took advantage of these services.

These were mostly first-time mothers and mothers without a migration background. Not only were these mothers more likely to seek formal support, but they also benefited the most from participating in such programs, showing the greatest increases in maternal self-efficacy/confidence between pregnancy and the early months after childbirth.

Our suggestions

Based on our findings, communities should make sure that expectant mothers are informed about the social support programs and classes that are available and we should encourage them to participate.

For instance, in Germany, many municipalities offer prenatal and postnatal support programs for mothers free of charge. In these programs, mothers can get to know each other, share experiences and engage in peer mentoring, and receive information from a professional (e.g., midwife).

These types of programs are promising ways to increase maternal self-efficacy, which can then have long-term positive effects on both parenting practices and children’s behavior.

Support programs that demonstrate success in improving parenting confidence are becoming increasingly popular. Photo by RDNE Stock project on Pexels.

Municipalities should increase efforts to ensure that all mothers can access these kinds of services. Making the programs free is one step; however, communicating about the programs and making them accessible to a diverse network of women and families involves further steps.

For example, some foreign-born mothers, especially those who have recently immigrated, do not know about these services, and many are hesitant to participate because of language barriers. However, although the first step may be difficult, many mothers who participate report that these programs can be both enjoyable and helpful in terms of gaining parenting knowledge and confidence.

By connecting women to accessible support programs, communities can pave the way for a healthy parent-child relationship and help give each child the best possible start in life.

The post Becoming Confident in Parenting Abilities appeared first on Child and Family Blog.

• Fathers often want to be present for their children and contribute to household tasks, but they can lack opportunities and confidence; they may see themselves as “helpers” instead of parents.
• Australian fathers in our small study reported that they spent more time with their children during the COVID-19 lockdowns, and they saw the resulting benefits for themselves and their children.
• Despite parental leave policies and opportunities for more flexible working arrangements, fathers still experience an unspoken stigma in the workplace about taking leave or leaving work early to spend time with their children. In some workplaces, this changed following pandemic lockdowns.

How were fathers affected by changes in parenting during COVID-19 lockdowns?

The COVID-19 pandemic and its associated lockdown orders caused an abrupt and complex disruption to conventional patterns of work and home life for many families.

For example, in a U.K. study, at the start of the pandemic, parents of children younger than 12 spent nearly 50 more hours per week caring for their children than they did before the pandemic. Although most of this additional child care was provided by mothers, fathers also increased their involvement in child care and household tasks, at least at the beginning of the pandemic.

We explored fathers’ experiences of lockdown and the impact of this increased time with their children on men’s views of their relationship with their children and their family-work life balance.

We interviewed 15 Australian fathers, aged between 33 and 59, who were part of a larger study investigating fathers’ involvement in parenting young children at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. Most parenting research captures only mothers’ experiences, and during the pandemic, most studies focused on the number of hours parents spent on different household and child care activities.

In contrast, our study looked at how fathers felt about their parenting and work-family life balance. Our aim was to identify whether lockdown experiences served as a catalyst for some fathers to think differently about their future parenting and how they wanted to spend their time.

Exploring fathers’ perspectives on parenting prior to and at the start of the pandemic

The Australian fathers we talked to were all married to women and lived with their children (ages 4 months to 10 years). Most fathers were employed full-time and worked from home during the pandemic. We interviewed them about four main topics:

1. The types of activities they did with their children before versus during COVID-19 lockdowns
2. Their reflections about their children and themselves as parents
3. The impact of COVID-19 on sharing household tasks
4. Their attitudes toward flexible working arrangements

Photo by Ketut Subiyanto from Pexels

Finding 1: Fathers valued “being present” with their children

We analyzed recordings of our interviews with fathers to identify commonalities in the responses. The three main themes we identified reflected the importance of being present as a father:

1. Fathers reported an ongoing desire to be present for their children.
2. Despite the stressors of lockdowns, fathers valued the opportunity to spend more time with their children and to witness how they developed new skills, interests, and personality traits.
3. Fathers reported feeling conflicting pressures from their workplace and at home that were barriers to being present.

Fathers said one of the more fundamental learning experiences of the lockdown was that they noticed the extent to which their engagement with their children affected their relationship positively.

Studies have shown the importance of fathers taking an active role in their children’s development, with fathers experiencing a sense of loss from missing important milestones and having a perceived lack of closeness with their children. The increase in shared experiences during the pandemic may have a long-term positive impact on fathers and their children.

Finding 2: The pandemic led to some changes in fathers’ roles and experiences

We followed up with 10 fathers one year after the initial interviews to examine the impact of their experiences. Although many couples in the United Kingdom with young children returned to the traditional gender divide in child care and household responsibilities within six months, our follow-up survey revealed that 9 of the 10 Australian fathers had changed their working patterns.

After their experiences of parenting during lockdowns, many of these fathers made changes so they could be more actively involved in their children’s care, such as doing more school pickups and dropoffs.

Positive changes in the workplace

Several fathers said they perceived positive changes in the attitudes and behaviors of their workplace managers and colleagues. Following the lockdowns, these fathers’ workplace culture shifted, with flexible hours less frowned upon and, as one father noted, “no stigma anymore.”

However, other fathers still felt an unspoken stigma in the workplace about taking leave or leaving work early to spend time with their children.

After their experiences of parenting during lockdowns, many of these fathers made changes so they could be more actively involved in their children’s care, such as doing more school pickups and dropoffs.

Finding 3: Fathers’ descriptions continued to reflect perceived roles as “assistants” in the home

When asked about division of household chores during the lockdowns, most fathers in our study used phrases such as “chipping in” or “helping out” their partners.

Photo by Pavel Danilyuk from Pexels

These terms were evident even among fathers who had sought an equal split in household responsibilities before the pandemic began. This idea of the father as a helper or assistant in the home may reflect a cultural norm as opposed to an unwillingness to engage in household chores.

A lack of self-confidence in fathers

Fathers in our study identified a lack of confidence in themselves and other fathers in their social circle in their ability to parent. This could be due to a lack of opportunity to spend time with their children from infancy, and to a hesitancy to seek out flexible working arrangements, which could build fathers’ skills and self-confidence in child care and household activities.

Because fathers’ roles tend to be less scripted than mothers’, they are frequently more susceptible to contextual influences.

Fathers in our study identified a lack of confidence in themselves and other fathers in their social circle in their ability to parent.

Conclusions

Despite the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic and its consequent lockdowns, the Australian fathers we interviewed valued the opportunity to spend more time with their children.

These fathers, most of whom were in stable relationships and full-time employment, said their desire to be active and present for their children was obstructed by workplace attitudes, the perception of themselves as “assisting” or “helping” with household chores, and conflicting demands at work and at home.

COVID-19 pandemic lockdowns served as catalysts for many fathers

Our findings suggest that the start of the COVID-19 pandemic and imposed lockdowns provided the opportunity for some fathers to adjust their roles and responsibilities at home, and to see the impact of these changes. Past research has come to similar conclusions when fathers lose their employment or are otherwise unable to engage in paid work.

But the widespread, sudden, synchronized disruption of schools and businesses during the lockdowns may have made this experience a unique catalyst for change.

Many of the barriers fathers mentioned, such as lack of flexible work arrangements, were removed. Fathers could pursue opportunities to be more involved in parenting, something that many said they wanted before the pandemic but were unable to pursue.

Photo by Elina Fairytale from Pexels

How can we better balance parenting and work for fathers?

• Fathers should seek out workplaces with a culture that supports parental leave and flexible working conditions. These allow fathers to be more involved in their children’s lives and can strengthen their confidence in parenting.
• Families and employers should remember that the benefits of fathers taking parental leave and flexible work arrangements extend to the whole family. Fathers and their children gain valuable time together, while parenting partners also benefit from sharing tasks and responsibilities.
• Families can reflect on the changes they experienced during the lockdown and identify ways to recreate some of the benefits, even as the global pandemic has subsided and lockdowns are no longer happening.

The post Fathers’ views on family and work after COVID-19 lockdowns appeared first on Child and Family Blog.

• Fathers’ participation in shared book reading has important and unique contributions to children’s development.
• Fathers can successfully and effectively engage in shared reading with their children regardless of their own reading abilities or confidence with reading aloud.
• Fathers who view shared reading as part of their parental responsibility and as an opportunity to bond with their children are more likely to engage in shared book reading activities.

What is shared book reading?

Shared book reading occurs when an adult – typically a family member or caregiver – reads to and with a child. This is a common practice for many families across the world. Familial shared book reading is important for many reasons: It introduces young children to print concepts such as book orientation and reading direction, promotes a range of early language and literacy skills in children, and helps develop positive relationships between caregivers and children.

Shared book reading is uniquely important for children’s development

The types of language exchanges that occur during shared reading are typically more advanced than those occurring in everyday conversations between children and adults. Additionally, the text found in books used during shared book reading introduces children to new vocabulary words beyond what they typically hear in their daily lives.

Parents also tend to engage with their children differently during shared book reading than they do in other types of activities, such as physical play or pretend play. Specific to father-child interactions, research shows that the diversity of fathers’ vocabulary, the number of questions asked, and the length of spoken sentences is greater during shared reading than it is while playing with toys (Salo et al., 2016). This positions shared book reading as a key activity that fathers can engage in that promotes children’s development in many areas.

Fathers interact with children in positive ways during shared book reading

Recent decades have seen increases in fathers’ participation in a variety of activities with their children, including shared book reading. Although some fathers and mothers tend to read books with their children in similar ways, research has shown that Dads interact with their children differently than mothers while reading with their children (Cutler & Palkovitz, 2020). Specifically, fathers ask children more open-ended questions (who, why) – a practice that challenges children’s thinking and expands their language skills (Rowe et al., 2004). Dads also engage in more conversationally challenging interactions with their children during shared book reading than do mothers (Anderson et al., 2004; Tomasello et al., 1990).

Photo: RODNAE Productions. Pexels.

Physical interactions also differ during reading. Recent research has shown that fathers are more likely than mothers to engage in close, interlocking contact while reading with their children, a behavior that helps promote a positive reading experience between parents and children (Cutler, 2020).

What fathers say and do during shared book reading matters for children’s development

Both the quantity and quality of father-child exchanges during shared book reading predict children’s language and literacy skills, influencing what children say and understand. For example, fathers’ linguistic complexity (the types of vocabulary words used, how many overall words are spoken) is positively associated with children’s expressive language (what they say; Rowe et al., 2004; Tomasello et al., 1990). Fathers’ participation in shared book reading also positively affects children’s receptive language skills (what they understand from spoken language; Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2004).

Language input

Additionally, fathers’ language input while reading books to their children is related to children’s general academic outcomes. Children whose fathers frequently participated in shared book reading activities with them when they were two years old had more advanced social-emotional skills and higher reading and math scores in pre-kindergarten than did children whose fathers read with them less often (Baker, 2013). Furthermore, fathers’ engagement in shared book reading is positively associated with children’s attention skills and ability to regulate emotions, especially for boys (Malin et al., 2014).

Why are fathers less likely than mothers to read to children?

Yet despite the important contributions fathers make to their children’s development through shared book reading, they are less likely than mothers to consistently read with their children or to be the main reader in the household. This gap has narrowed in recent decades, though, as fathers have increased their general levels of participation in their children’s lives.

Both the quantity and quality of father-child exchanges during shared book reading predict children’s language and literacy skills, influencing what children say and understand.

For some U.S. families, a positive outcome of the COVID-19 pandemic has been the rise in family participation in reading activities, including between fathers and their children (Carlson et al., 2022; Mayol-García, 2022). Maintaining a higher level of father participation in shared book reading can have both short- and long-term positive effects on children, families, and communities. What factors may influence whether these trends continue?

Factors predicting fathers’ participation in shared book reading

Many factors influence how frequently fathers read with their children, including familial ethnic, racial, and cultural backgrounds. In cultures across the globe, views vary regarding parents’ and familial caregivers’ roles in supporting young children’s language and literacy development. Though parent-child shared book reading is common in many countries, not all cultures favor shared reading as the primary way to involve children in literacy activities.

For example, some Hispanic and Native American families view oral storytelling as more important than or equally important as reading books with their children (Janes & Kermani, 2001; Nelson-Strouts & Gillispie, 2017). Such practices benefit children’s development and can be considered complementary activities fathers can participate in with their children.

Photo: Karolina Grabowska. Pexels.

Father’s views on parenting roles

Father’s views of their parenting roles and responsibilities also play a part. Fathers who view shared book reading as part of their parenting responsibility or whose partners expect them to read with their children are more likely to do so (Ortiz, 2004; Swain et al., 2017). The overall level of engagement fathers have with their children is also associated with the likelihood that they will read with them. It makes sense that fathers who are very involved and available to their children are more likely to read with them.

Furthermore, fathers’ personal experiences with reading affect how often they read with their children. Dads who are confident readers, who enjoy reading themselves, and who have had positive experiences with reading, either at home or in school (or both), are more likely to participate in shared reading activities with their children than dads who have not had these experiences (Duursma et al., 2008; Ortiz, 2004).

The types of books available

The type of books available during shared book reading and fathers’ perceptions of the purpose of shared reading experiences can also influence how often they participate in this activity. Some Dads feel more comfortable reading informational or non-fiction books than fiction books with their children (Robertson & Reese, 2017). The availability of books in the home in fathers’ native languages also affects how likely they are to read with their children. Fathers who have limited literacy or who speak a different first language than their children are less likely to participate in shared book reading (Duursma et al., 2008; Ortiz, 2004).

All fathers can engage in shared book reading, regardless of their reading ability or familiarity with reading aloud

Attitudes matter, too. Sitting close to or holding a child while relaxing and sharing books together is often perceived as a time of emotional closeness between parents and children. Dads who view shared book reading as an opportunity to spend time with and bond with their children are more likely to participate than fathers who view the experience as a chore or as a way to teach their children a lesson (Bus & van IJzendoorn, 1992; Janes & Kermani, 2001).

Conclusion

By engaging in shared reading with their children, fathers can support children’s development while also fostering positive father-child relationships. Many fathers across the world recognize the importance of shared book reading. However, the rates at which fathers read with their children continues to lag behind that of mothers.

Highlighting the unique contributions Dads make to children’s development through reading is an important consideration for programs and policies designed to support families and communities. Supporting fathers who are hesitant to read with their children or feel less confident about reading is also important.

All fathers can engage in shared book reading, regardless of their reading ability or familiarity with reading aloud. Here are suggestions for how to ensure that all fathers feel supported in shared book reading.

Considerations for fatherhood programs and family literacy initiatives

• Normalize and promote father-child shared book reading as an important activity for fathers.
• Highlight the unique contributions fathers make to their children’s development by engaging in shared reading.
• Focus on the overall importance of sharing books and not on being a “perfect” reader. (For example, encourage the idea that stories can be shared without reading every single word on the page.)
• Ensure that messaging and marketing materials promoting family literacy activities feature fathers.
• Select books to share that are of interest to a wide range of fathers and that account for the varying literacy abilities of adult readers, such as books that feature fathers interacting with their children in positive ways, bilingual books, and wordless picture books.
• Offer books that portray fathers from varying racial, ethnic, and cultural backgrounds, as well as fathers from varying family constellations (single fathers, same-sex fathers, kin fathers, stepfathers).

The post Reading with dad – Influences on fathers’ engagement in shared book reading and why it matters for children’s development appeared first on Child and Family Blog.

• Parents who work outside of the standard Monday-Friday, 9-5 hours must strike a balance between their work schedule and the demands of parenting.
• Fathers’ parenting is often influenced by non-standard work schedules and some types of work, such as night shifts, may increase certain types of parenting, whereas others may decrease the amount of parenting.
• Achieving the right balance between work and parenting should be considered within the context of the family. For example, the mother’s work schedule, the child’s age, and the type of parenting activity may all play a role in the effect of non-standard work schedules.

How do fathers’ non-standard work schedules affect their parenting?

Fathers matter. We know the positive impact of fathers as caregivers in terms of emotional support, interactive caring, and day-to-day raising of their children. But does it matter if they regularly work non-standard hours, such as evenings, nights, or weekends, that may challenge their ability to carry out their parenting activities? Given that more than half of employed U.K. fathers work such non-standard hours during the first decade of their children’s lives, it is imperative to understand how this affects fathers’ parenting and whether the effects vary by context. (Non-standard work schedules are also common among U.S. fathers.)

New quantitative evidence from the United Kingdom offers a nuanced answer. My colleague, Anne McMunn, and I used data from the Millennium Cohort Study – a nationally representative sample of children born in the United Kingdom between 2000 and 2002. We analyzed 11,412 fathers when their children were nine months old and 7,791 fathers when their children were nearly seven years old. We focused on two measures of parenting – basic care (in both age groups) and play and recreation (for seven-year-olds).

Photo: Gustavo Fring. Pexels.

Fathers of nine-month-olds were asked how often they looked after their babies on their own, changed diapers, fed their children, or got up in the night to attend to them. Fathers of seven-year-olds were asked if they helped their children get ready for bed or cared for them alone. They were also asked how often they read with or to their children, told stories, did musical activities, drew, played physically active games, took the children to the park, or played with toys or games indoors.

Different non-standard schedules influenced fathers’ involvement in different ways

We found that fathers who worked in the evenings, between 6 p.m. and 10 p.m., spent less time on basic parenting activities both when their children were infants and when they were seven than did fathers who worked standard hours. For example, they spent less time looking after a child alone, getting a child ready for bed, changing diapers, or getting up in the night to soothe a baby. In contrast, fathers who worked night schedules, such as from 10 p.m. to 7 a.m., spent more time on these basic care activities.

Initially, we found that fathers who regularly worked evenings spent more time and those who worked weekends spent less time in play and recreation than did fathers who worked standard hours. However, these differences may stem more from work characteristics, such as long working hours, than from work schedules. Lastly, we found no evidence that the relation between fathers’ work schedules and parenting differed by the intensity of fathers’ work hours, families’ poverty status, or fathers’ educational attainment.

While fathers who work evenings may decrease the amount of parenting they do, fathers who work nights have opportunities to be more actively involved in parenting

These findings support a more nuanced view of the integration of non-standard work schedules with parenting. Not all non-standard work schedules negatively affect fathers’ involvement. While fathers who work evenings may decrease the amount of parenting they do, fathers who work nights have opportunities to be more actively involved in parenting.

Previous research on working specific times of the day helps interpret these results. Night schedules could create openings for dads to be involved in parenting routines during the day, or in the early morning or evening, depending on when work starts and ends. In contrast, evening work may occur during children’s bedtimes, giving fathers who work at this time fewer opportunities to be involved in parenting. In addition to the basic parenting activities we examined, other studies have also found that fathers who work evening schedules miss out on family activities, such as helping with homework and eating meals together.

Mothers’ employment schedules also influence working fathers’ parenting time

The story is incomplete if we fail to consider the role of mothers’ employment. We examined whether parents’ available time in the household also mattered for fathers’ parenting time. We found that fathers’ night work facilitated more basic parenting activities when mothers worked than they did when mothers did not work. However, fathers participated in even more basic parenting activities when both parents worked non-standard schedules than when both worked at standard times.

Photo: Pavel Danilyuk. Pexels.

Perhaps this indicates a preference for parental child care. Some couples engage in tag-team parenting, which involves decreasing the overlap between their work schedules and maximizing time with their children. For example, if one parent works nights or weekends, the other parent stays at home and engages in parenting instead of paying for child care.

Alternatively, our findings may indicate not that parents choose to work non-standard schedules but the financial constraints of finding child care at non-standard times. Despite the greater provision of publicly funded child care in the United Kingdom for three- to five-year-olds, relative to the U.S. context, child care is expensive and harder to find outside regular daytime hours.

Policies and programs can help reduce the challenges of parents’ non-standard work schedules

How can fathers make it work so they can make important contributions in their children’s lives? The challenge for workplace policies and government programs is to reduce the potential difficulties for fathers of working non-standard schedules. Employers need to acknowledge a lesson learned from the COVID-19 pandemic: that many jobs can be worked flexibly.

Working non-standard hours may compromise supportive parenting – but it also has the potential to lead to more time parenting under the right circumstances.

Some parents view non-standard work schedules as an opportunity to fulfil their goals to integrate family time, parenting, and paid work. Employers can advertise job vacancies as flexible and in the United Kingdom, reduce the qualifying period before employees can request flexible work schedules. Such a policy promotes inclusivity as the demand for non-standard employment is met and matched with workers who are available and willing to work such hours.

When parents don’t have control over work schedules

However, not all parents have control over their work schedules. For those parents, government policies can provide incentives for childcare facilities to remain open evenings and weekends, and employers can offer pay premiums for working outside standard hours. Such programs can relieve the constraints on families who need affordable child care.

Parents working nonstandard work schedules may very well want to minimize the potential negative impacts of their work times on their parenting. As parents reflect on the integration of their work schedules with family time, they should consider the context of their home life –for example, the age of their children, whether both parents work and at what times of the day, and the types of parenting activities which they engage in during the course of a day (e.g., play or basic care).

In our research, we were unable to consider whether a parent chooses to work at a non-standard time, but such choice in work schedules is unquestionably a factor in how parents integrate work and family time. Amid the daily challenges of balancing work and parenting time, working non-standard hours may compromise supportive parenting – but it also has the potential to lead to more time parenting under the right circumstances.

The post Are fathers’ non-standard work hours always a bad thing? appeared first on Child and Family Blog.

• Mothers and fathers show similar patterns of brain activity when exposed to stimuli from their infant.
• The observed brain changes occur in areas involved with reward, motivation, and empathy, and are associated with hormonal changes in moms and dads.
• Brain systems may reflect parental potential available to human fathers and other mammalian fathers when they are more involved in caregiving.

Fathers’ brains respond when they are exposed to stimuli from their baby

The neurobiology of fatherhood in humans seems to be similar to the neurobiology of motherhood, involving two brain systems – a “motivational” system that refers to the drive to nurture offspring, and an “empathy” system that refers to the ability to understand the thoughts and feelings of others.

Fathers shown pictures of their own newborns experienced more activation of empathy and reward systems than when shown pictures of unknown newborns.

For example, brain responses of mothers and fathers to pictures or videos of their infants overlap. Increased activity is found in parts of the brain associated with reward, motivation, and empathy. In one study, increased activity in brain reward systems also correlated with the father’s active engagement in caregiving, as reported by the mother.

In another study, fathers shown pictures of their own newborns experienced more activation of empathy and reward systems than fathers shown pictures of unknown newborns. In another study, a new father’s self-reported positive thoughts about his infant correlated with reward system activation in response to his infant’s cries. Future research will look at other brain responses in fathers – to children’s laughter, speech, and movements.

Brain changes are connected to hormonal changes activated by involved parenting

There is growing evidence that these changes are linked with the hormones that are produced when fathers care for their children. The key difference between human mothers and fathers is the degree of variability in fatherhood. After birth, most mothers are actively involved in parenting, but fatherhood is activated only when circumstances require or allow it, and even then it is highly variable.

When fatherhood is activated, neural processes take place in fathers that are similar to those in mothers.

In societies with small family units living apart from extended family networks and in families with scarce resources, paternal involvement is necessary. When fatherhood is activated, neural processes take place in fathers that are similar to those in mothers. It is as if a parental potential resides in all humans and is activated when circumstances require.

In the wild, fathers are actively engaged in caring for their young in only 5% of mammalian species (e.g., some primates, rodents, and canids, in particular). As in humans, this paternal behavior involves similar brain processes as those involved with maternal behavior. But when animals are held in captivity and in non-natural conditions, fathers can become more active. This suggests that parental brain systems may exist in many male mammals, and that they can be activated when an active paternal role is desirable or possible.

The post The brain responses of mothers and fathers are not so different appeared first on Child and Family Blog.

• Supportive fathers influence their children in significant ways, including the development of cognitive and social skills.
• The positive impact of fathers is greater when fathers’ relationships with mothers are strong and supportive.
• Fathers can help their children’s development through supportive and involved parenting and engaging activities, such as reading books and playing.

To fully understand the significance of a father’s influence on his children, we will explore four key areas:

1. Father-child attachment and later development
2. Father influence on a child’s achievements
3. Father influence on a child’s social skills
4. The mother-father relationship

1. Father-child attachment influences children’s later development

When there is a strong father-child attachment in the first two years, research shows a link with the child’s later social skills, cognitive skills (e.g., language, school achievement) and behavior. In this way, fathers influence their children’s futures.

These links between strong father-child attachment and later child development are greatest when fathers are more involved in parenting. This suggests that involved fathers have the potential to make a big difference in their child’s life.

Involved fathers have the potential to make a big difference in their child’s life.

2. Fathers have a significant influence on their child’s achievements

Fathers who provide primary care for their two-year-olds have children who achieve higher scores on academic tests. (The same is true of mothers.) Anne Martin and her team found that mothers and fathers who provided primary care for their children when they were two had five-year-olds with higher arithmetic and language scores.

Eirini Flouri and Ann Buchanan found that British children with more involved fathers had higher IQs at age seven than did children with less involved fathers. Other researchers have found similar associations at 11 years and 16 years.

Some researchers have worked to distinguish fathers’ influences on educational performance from the effects of other wider family and community influences. The links remain: Fathers who are supportive appear to promote their children’s language and cognitive development.

3. Fathers influence their children’s social skills

In a large British study, when mothers reported that fathers were involved with their seven-year-olds, the children were more likely to report being close to their fathers at 16 and to have less contact with police during adolescence. Other researchers have found even longer-lasting links – fathers’ involvement with their six-year-olds appeared to positively influence  the feelings of their offspring when they were in their 30s, more than 25 years later.

Photo: Mieke Campbell. Pexels.

High levels of paternal involvement in childhood also predict offspring’s social interaction styles in adulthood, as well as their married relationships, parenting skills, and mental health. The converse has also been shown – low paternal involvement and poor child-father attachments predict more psychological and social problems later.

Ross Parke and his colleagues found that a physically playful and affectionate father-son relationship predicted sons’ later popularity with peers. Other researchers have found that fathers who were more sensitive to their five-year-olds’ emotional states had more socially competent children three years later.

Researchers have examined whether fathers and mothers exert different influences on the social development of their children. It is very difficult to separate these influences from the many roles mothers and fathers play in different families. However, researchers have found that children who reported secure attachments to both their parents were more likely to report positive friendships than children who did not.

Mothers influence father-child relationships and fathers influence mother-child relationships.

4. The mother-father relationship influences children

The last 20 years have seen a lot of research on how family members influence the relationships of other family members with children. Studies suggest that mothers influence father-child relationships and fathers influence mother-child relationships.

A key influence on the father-child relationship is how supportive the mother is of this relationship, as well as the quality of the mother-father relationship.

The inverse is also true: Both the father and the mother-father relationship influence the mother-child relationship, but the influence is less. This may be because maternal behavior is framed by clearer conventions and role definitions, while fathers’ roles and behavior are more influenced by what mothers believe.

Mothers’ mental health also affects the father-child relationship, and fathers’ mental health affects the mother-child relationship. Sometimes the response can be compensatory. For example, when mothers suffer from postnatal depression, fathers often engage in more positive interactions with their babies.

Conclusion

The conclusion of this research is clear: A father who wants to be close to his children and positively influence their future should invest in relationships with both the children and their mothers.

The post The significance of a father’s influence on his children appeared first on Child and Family Blog.

• It is important for fathers to begin bonding with their baby during pregnancy; singing, reading, and talking to their baby can support this early bond.
• Fathers can also talk with their partner and trusted others about their hopes and concerns for their baby during pregnancy as a way to prepare for early parenting.
• During pregnancy, fathers are encouraged to connect with other expectant or new fathers to begin building a parenting support network.

Key takeaways for healthcare and social services programs 

Make pregnancy spaces father friendly 

• Encourage fathers to attend obstetrics and ultrasound appointments, and provide a welcoming space for addressing fathers directly, asking if they have questions or concerns, and supporting their involvement in the pregnancy process.
• Provide supportive spaces and programs for fathers to connect with each other and learn about topics related to pregnancy and early infant care.
• Include pictures of fathers and infants in obstetrics and pediatrics offices and reading material that may appeal to men in waiting rooms.

Talk with fathers directly about their past and present experiences

• Ask fathers about their own experiences with the pregnancy and their hopes and concerns for their infant.
• Include fathers in early intervention programs beginning at intake and highlight fathers’ importance for the health and well-being of their infant.
• Screen expectant fathers (and mothers) for Perinatal Mood and Anxiety Disorders, past maltreatment and trauma histories, and current exposure to adversity, and connect them with mental health services as needed.

Key takeaways for policymakers 

• Create systems that coordinate and connect fathering programs, such as state-level fatherhood commissions.
• Require early intervention programs to include fathers whenever possible as a central component of interventions rather than a suggested add-on service to families.
• Create programs and services that support fathers in bonding with their babies during the perinatal period, such as establishing ‘fatherhood navigators’ at hospitals that support fathers during prenatal visits, labor and delivery, and with post-natal infant care.

While fathers are increasingly expected to be actively involved in the pregnancy and post-natal care of their newborn, social narratives have not kept pace with these expectations.

Prenatal emotional bonds are a foundation for healthy parent-child relationships

Expecting and preparing for a baby is a time of excitement and joy for many parents. In addition to stocking up on diapers and onesies, parents-to-be are also preparing psychologically for the birth of their new baby (Dayton et al., 2020). The prenatal emotional bond parents form with their baby is essential and powerful – it prepares them to care for their newborn (Raphael-Leff, 2005).

In turn, early sensitive parenting – feeding, bathing, changing, holding, and soothing the baby – sets the stage for a strong and enduring parent-child relationship. For fathers, early infant care is associated with feelings of parenting competence (Dayton et al., 2015), and thereby supports their growing bond with their baby.

Prenatal bonding is often different for mothers and fathers

For the person carrying the baby (typically the mother), the prenatal emotional bond with the infant is supported by the biology of pregnancy – hormonal changes, the baby’s movements inside her (“quickening”), and a growing baby bump all contribute to her emotional connection with her baby.

Her growing body also alerts the outside world that she is expecting a baby and, across cultures, many social practices acknowledge, honor, and support her mothering role. The baby bump may compel passengers on the bus to give up their seat, accommodates nearby parking at the grocery store, and can inspire smiles and kind words from strangers.

In contrast, the parent who is not carrying the baby (the father or the mother’s partner) is an external observer of the baby’s prenatal growth. Expectant fathers also undergo prenatal hormonal and physiological changes that support post-natal parenting behaviors (Saxbe et al., 2017), but because these changes are not visible to others, expectant men experience fewer social acknowledgements of their status as fathers-to-be than do expectant women.

Photo: Amina Filkins. Pexels.

Prenatal bonding is also a slower process for fathers than it is for mothers. A father’s prenatal bond with his baby tends to increase as the pregnancy progresses (Habib & Lancaster, 2010) and is influenced by his own mental health (e.g., depression, anxiety; Cameron et al., 2016) and by his relationship with the mother of his baby (Ahlqvist-Björkroth et al., 2016).

Dispelling misconceptions about the importance of fathers’ early involvement

However, when expectant fathers are given time and space to talk, they have a lot to say! In addition to feelings of excitement and pride, fathers describe their growing feelings of responsibility – not just for the immediate post-natal period, but also for the care their child will need throughout life.

However, while fathers are increasingly expected to be actively involved in the pregnancy and post-natal care of their newborn, social narratives have not kept pace with these expectations. Therefore, fathers may wrongly believe that their most important parenting role does not begin until their children are older (Dayton et al., 2016). Notably, fathers who believe strongly in the importance of early fathering for the health and well-being of young children are also more likely to feel a strong emotional bond with their infant prenatally (Dayton et al., 2019), and may therefore be more prepared for post-natal infant care.

Fathers’ involvement improves babies’ development

The research is clear: When fathers are involved in the lives of their babies beginning in pregnancy, healthy outcomes for their babies are improved – prenatal, birth, and newborn health outcomes are better and per-infant health care costs are reduced (Alio et al., 2010; Salihu et al., 2014). For mothers and fathers in areas of the United States like Detroit, where maternal and infant morbidity and mortality rates constitute a public health crisis, fathers’ involvement can reduce the negative effects of systemic factors such as institutional racism that are literally killing black mothers and babies.

So how do men bond with their babies and what can be done to support them? Research is beginning to shed light on the ways in which men form prenatal relationships with their babies and this work suggests some ways to help.

Encouraging fathers’ involvement supports father-infant bonding

Research has demonstrated that the quality of the prenatal father-infant relationship is related to the quality of the post-natal father-infant relationship (Vreeswijk et al., 2014). However, research also suggests that expectant fathers’ emotional connection to their infant begins somewhat later in pregnancy than it does with mothers (Ives, 2014) – likely due to the physiological and social differences they experience. Many men say they must rely on the mother as a gatekeeper (Draper, 2002), for example, to be invited to feel the baby’s movements in utero and to be notified of obstetrics visits. These experiences may create a sense of distance from the infant.

When fathers are involved during pregnancy, outcomes for infants improve.

Mothers can support the father-infant bond by encouraging fathers to be actively involved in the pregnancy. Fathers’ involvement can include talking and singing to their babies and attending prenatal medical appointments. They can also talk with the baby’s mother about important newborn care decisions, such as whether the baby will be breast- or bottle-fed (Dayton et al., 2019). In this way, fathers can care for and bond with their baby even before the baby is born.

Fathers can also feel closer to their baby by talking about them with others. Friends and family members can provide spaces for expectant fathers to talk about their hopes and dreams for their baby, as well as their worries and concerns.

Perhaps because mothers are still perceived as the “primary” parent in infancy and early childhood, many fathers connect with the women in their lives to support them during pregnancy and early parenting (Dayton et al., 2016). But when other fathers reach out to share pregnancy expectations and answer questions, expectant fathers describe feeling a deep sense of support and connection with them (Walsh et al., 2014). Programs that encourage men to develop parenting support systems with each other may have powerful effects on improving mental health and increasing feelings of parenting confidence.

Social systems should emphasize the importance of fathers’ role and services for expectant dads

Social systems also play a role. Within the health care system, fathers often feel ignored and report feeling unwelcome at obstetrics appointments and ultrasound scans (Widarsson et al., 2015). Yet when fathers are included and involved in these appointments, they feel more connected to their baby, and they often feel a surge of pride and motivation to be good fathers and partners to the baby’s mother (Walsh et al., 2014).

To support and encourage these feelings, medical personnel can involve fathers in medical appointments by including them in conversations about the medical status of the mother and baby, and by explicitly asking fathers if they have questions or concerns. In addition, by intentionally featuring pictures of fathers and infants in obstetrics and pediatric waiting rooms and displaying magazines that appeal to fathers, health care professionals can help fathers feel welcome in the space (Albuja et al., 2019).

Health care providers’ offices are often the first (and sometimes only) place where parental well-being can be assessed. Although stigma still exists that may prevent fathers from talking about their mental health, many fathers struggle with feelings of depression and anxiety as they prepare for the birth of their baby – just as many mothers do (Dayton et al., 2017).

Photo: Justin Thompson. Pexels.

Fathers may also find that past exposure to traumatic events influences their ability to bond with their baby during pregnancy (Dayton et al., 2019). Health care providers are encouraged to screen fathers (and mothers) for Perinatal Mood and Anxiety Disorders, and to provide compassionate support and referrals to mental health services as needed (Walsh et al., 2020).

Within most social services systems, prenatal and early childhood intervention services are targeted almost exclusively to mothers. Despite increased efforts to also provide programs for fathers, services for dads are often designed and delivered as both optional and secondary to the central intervention with the mother.

This approach reinforces social narratives that fathers are less important than mothers during pregnancy and as parents to their young children. It also ignores growing evidence that interventions that target the co-parenting relationship, and therefore attend equally to both parents, yield positive effects on child outcomes (Hawkins et al., 2022).

Parenting programs should include fathers in early childhood interventions from the very beginning of the service delivery process. Ensuring that agencies are father friendly, in terms of office décor and a welcoming approach to fathers, for example, is also crucial.

Conclusions: Fathers’ involvement has a significant and enduring impact

When fathers are involved during pregnancy, outcomes for infants improve. Fathers form early, prenatal, relational bonds with their babies that support their parenting after the birth of their child. Improving services to expectant fathers, especially in communities where infant mortality and morbidity are high, can help the negative effects of racism, poverty, and violence on maternal and infant outcomes. Programs and policymakers can help support prenatal father-infant relationships by creating prenatal spaces that include fathers and by implementing early intervention programs for fathers, and by making sure dads are a part of existing programs.

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